Master of the Halca

Guard had horns, and drums, and cymbals. And with these they made such a noise at the point of day and at nightfall, that those who were near could not hear one another speak; and dearly were they heard throughout the camp.

Nor would the minstrels have been rash enough to sound their instruments during the day, save by order of the master of the Halca ; whence it happened that if the Soldan wished to give an order, he sent for the master of the Halca, and gave the order through him; and then the master caused the Soldan’s instruments to be sounded, and all the host assembled to hear the order of the Soldan: the master of the Halca spoke it, and all the host carried it out.

When the Soldan went to war, the knights of the Halca, if so be that they approved themselves well in battle, were made emirs by the Soldan, and he placed them in command of two hundred knights, or three hundred; and the better they approved themselves the more knights did he set them over.

The reward reserved for their deeds of chivalry is this: when they become famous anti rich beyond question, and the soldan is afraid lest they should kill or disinherit him, then he causes them to be taken and put to death in his prison, and their wives deprived of all they possess. This is how the Soldan dealt with those who captured the Count of Montfort, and the Count of Bar; and so did Bondocdar deal with those who had discomfited the King of Armenia. For these latter, thinking to have some reward, dismounted and went to salute Bondocdar while he was hunting wild beasts; and he replied: “ I salute you not,” because they had disturbed his hunting; and he caused them to be beheaded.

CONSPIRACY OF THE EMIRS AGAINST THE NEW SOLDAN

Let us now return to the matter in hand, and tell how the Soldan, who was dead, had a son of the age of five and twenty years, wise, adroit, and crafty; aim because the dead Soldan feared that his son would dispossess him, he bestowed on him a kingdom which he had in the East. And now when the Soldan was dead, the emirs sent to fetch the son, and so soon as the son was come into Egypt he took the golden rods from his father’s seneschal, and constable, and marshal, and bestowed them upon those who had come with him from the East.

When the seneschal, constable, and marshal saw this they were very wroth, as were also those who had been of the father’s council, and they felt that great shame had been put upon them. And because they doubted not that the son would do to them as the father had done to those who cap trued the Count of Bar, and the Count of Montfort (as you have been already told), they so practised with the men of the Halca, whose duty it was to guard the person of the Soldan, that the men of the Halca agreed, at their request, to kill the Soldan.

THE UPRIGHTNESS OF ST LEWIS

The peace that he made with the King of England was nade against the advice of his council, for the council said to lim: “ Sire, it seems to us that you are giving away the land .hat you make over to the King of England;1 for he has no ight thereto, seeing that his father lost it justly.” To this he king replied that he knew well that the King of England lad no right to the land, but that there was a reason why he hould give it him, “ for,” said he, “ we have two sisters to wife, and our children are cousins-german; wherefore it is itting that there should be peace between us. Moreover a retry great honour accrues to me through the peace that I lave made with the King of England, seeing that he is now my liegeman, which he was not aforetime.”

The uprightness of the king may be seen in the case of my ord Renaud of Trie, who brought to the saintly man a hurter stating that the king had given to the heirs of the Countess of Boulogne, lately deceased, the county of Damnartin in Gouelle. The seal on the charter was broken, so .hat naught remained save half the legs of the image on the ring’s seal, and the stool on which the king set his feet. And he king showed the seal to all those who were of his council, and asked us to help him to come to a decision. We all said, without a dissentient, that he was not bound to give effect to the charter. Then he told John Sarrasin, his chamber- lain, to give him a charter which he had asked him to obtain. When he held this charter in his hands, he said: “ Lords, this is the seal I used before I went overseas, and you can see clearly from this seal thir the impression on the broken seal is like unto that of the seal that is whole; wherefore I should not dare, in good conscience, to keep the said county.” So he called to him my lord Renaud of Trie, and said, “ I give you back the county. istanbul tours”

BIRTH AND CORONATION OF ST. LEWIS

In the name of God Almighty, we have, hereinbefore, written out a part of the good words and of the good teachings of our saintly King Lewis, so that those who read may find them set in order, the one after the other, and thus derive more profit therefrom than if they were set forth among his deeds. And from this point we begin, in the .lame of God and in his own name, to speak of his deeds.

As I have heard tell he was born on the day of St. Mark the Evangelist, after Easter (25th April 1214). On that day crosses are, in many places, carried in procession, and, in France, these are called black crosses; and this was as it were a prophecy of the great number of people who were to die in the two Crusades, viz., that of Egypt, and the other, in which he himself died, at Carthage, whereby there were great mourning’s in this world, and many great rejoicings in paradise for such as in these two pilgrimages died true Crusaders.

He was crowned on the first Sunday in Advent (29th November 1226). The beginning of the mass for that Sunday runs: And what follows after; and this means, “ Fair Lord God, I shall lift up my soul to thee, I put my confidence in thee.” In God had he great confidence from his childhood to his death; for when he died, in his last words, he called upon God and His saints, md specially upon my lord St. James and my lady St. Genevieve.

KING OF WALLACHIA

JOHANNIZZA, KING OF WALLACHIA, COMES TO RELIEVE ADRIANOPLE

Then came tidings that Johannizza, King of Wallachia, was coming upon them to relieve the city. So they set their affairs in order, and it was arranged that Geoffry the Marshal, and Manasses of l’lsle should guard the camp, and that the Emperor Baldwin and all the remainder of the host should issue from the camp if so be that Johanizza came and offered battle.

Thus they remained till the Wednesday of Easter week, and Johannizza had by that time approached so near that he encamped at about five leagues from us. And he sent his Comans running before our camp, and a cry was raised throughout the camp, and our men issued therefrom helter- skelter, and pursued the Comans for a full league very foolishly; for when they wished to return, the Comans began to shoot at them in grievous wise, and wounded a good many of their horses.

So our men returned to the camp, and the barons were summoned to the quarters of the Emperor Baldwin. And they took counsel, and all said that they had dealt foolishly in thus pursuing people who were so lightly armed. And in the end they settled that if Johannizza came on again, they would issue forth, and set themselves in array of battle before the camp, and there wait for him, and not move from thence. And they had it proclaimed throughout the host that none should be so rash as to disregard this order, and move from his post for any cry or tumult that might come to his ears. And it was settled that Geoffry the Marshal should keep guard on the side of the city, with Manasses of I’Isle.

So they passed that night till the Thursday morning in t Easter week, when they heard mass and ate their dinner. And the Comans ran up to their tents, and a cry arose, and ^ they ran to arms, and issued from the camp with all their battalions in array, as had afore been devised daily tours istanbul.

DEFEAT OF THE CRUSADERS PRISONER

Count Lewis went out first with his battalion, and began to follow after the Comans, and sent to urge the emperor to come after him. Alas! how ill did they keep to what had been settled the night before! For they ran in pursuit of the Comans for at least two leagues, and joined issue with them, and chased them a long space. And then the Comans turned back upon them, and began to cry out and to shoot.

On our side there were battalions made up of other people than knights, people having too little knowledge of arms, and they began to wax afraid^and be discomfited. And Count Lewis, who had been the first to attack, was wounded in two places full sorely; and the Comans and Wallachians began to invade our ranks; and the count had fallen, and one of his knights, whose name was John of Friaise, dis mounted, and set him on his horse. Many were Count Lewis’ people who said: “ Sir, get you hence, for you are too sorely wounded, and in two places.” And he said: “The Lord God forbid that ever I should be reproached with flying from the field, and abandoning the emperor.”’

The emperor, who was in great straits on his side, recalled his people, and he told them that he would not fly, and that they were to remain with him: and well do those who were there present bear witness that never did knight defend himself better with his hands than did the emperor. This combat lasted a long time. Some were there who did well, and some were there who fled. \In the end, for so God suffers, misadyentures to occur, they were discomfited. There on the field remained the Emperor Baldwin, who never would fly, and Count Lewis; the Emperor Baldwin was taken alive and Count Lewis was slain!

CRUSADERS CONTINUE THE WAR DEFEAT OF MOURZUPHLES

THE CRUSADERS CONTINUE THE WAR DEFEAT OF MOURZUPHLES

Dire was the war between the Franks and the Greeks, for it abated not, but rather increased and waxed fiercer, so the few were the days on which there was not fighting by senior land. Then Henry, the brother of Count Baldwin o Flanders rode forth, and took with him a great part of the good men in the host. With him went James of Avesnes, am Baldwin of Beauvoir, Odo of Champagne of Champlitte William his brother, and the people of their country. They started at vesper time and rode all night, and on the morrow, when it was full day, they came to a good city, called Phile, and took it; and they had great gam, beasts, and prisoners, and clothing, and food, which they sent in boats down the straits to the camp, for the city lies on the sea of Russia.

Emperor Mourzuphles

So they sojourned two days in that city, with food in great plenty, enough and to spare. The third day they departed with the beasts and the booty, and rode back towards the camp. Now the Emperor Mourzuphles heard tell how they had issued from the camp, and he left Constantinople by night, with a great part of his people, and set himself in ambush at a place by which they must needs pass. And he watched them pass with their beasts and their booty, each division, the one after the other, till it came to the reaiguard. The rear-guard was under the command of Henry, the brother of Count Baldwin of Flanders, and formed o* his people, and the Emperor Mourzuphles fell upon them at the entrance to a wood; whereupon they turned against him. Very fiercely did the battle rage there.

By God’s help the Emperor Mourzuphles was discomfited, and came near to being taken captive; and he lost his im perial banner and an Eikon that was borne before him, in which he and the other Greeks had great confidence it was an Eikon that figured our -Lady and he lost at least twenty knights of the best people that he had. Thus was discom fited the Emperor Mourzuphles, as you have just heard; and fiercely did the war rage between him and the Franks; and by this time a great part of the winter had already passed, and it was near Candlemas (2nd February 1204), and Lent was approaching.

DISCORD AMONG THE CRUSADERS

DISCORD AMONG THE CRUSADERS OF THOSE WHO ACCEPT THE PROPOSALS OF THE YOUNG ALEXI

Then arose much debate. The abbot of Vaux, of the order of the Cistercians, spoke, and that party that wished for the dispersal of the host; and they said they would never consent: that it was not to fall on Christians that they had left J their homes, and that they would go to Syria.

And the other party replied: “ Fair lords, in Syria you will be able to do nothing; and that you may right well perceive by considering how those have fared who abandoned us, and sailed from other ports. And be it known to you that it is only by way of Babylon, or of Greece, that the land oversea can be recovered, if so be that it ever is recovered. And if we reject this covenant we shall be shamed to all time.”

There was discord in the host, as you hear Nor need you be surprised if there was discord among the laymen, for the white monks of the order of Citeaux were also at issue among themselves in the host. The abbot of Loos, who was a holy man and a man of note, and other abbots who held with him, prayed and besought the people, for pity’s sake, and the sake of God, to keep the host together, and agree to the proposed convention, in that “ it afforded the best means by which the land oversea might be recovered;” while the abbot of Vaux, on the other hand, and those who held with him, preached full often. and declared that all this was naught, and that the host ought to go to the land of Syria, and there do what they could.

Baldwin Count of Flanders

Then came the Marquis of Montferrat, and Baldwin Count of Flanders and Hainault, and Count Lewis, and Count Hugh of St. Paul, and those who held with them, and they de cleared that they would enter into the proposed covenant, for that they should be shamed if they refused. So they went to the Doge’s hostel, and the envoys were summoned, and the covenant, in such terms as you have already heard, was confirmed by oath, and by charters with seals appended.

And the book tells you that only twelve persons took the oaths on the side of the Franks, for more (of sufficient note) could not be found. Among the twelve were first the Marquis of Montferrat, the Count Baldwin of Flanders, the Count Lewis of Blois and of Chartres, and the Count of St. Paul, and eight others who held with them. Thus was the agreement made, and the charters prepared, and a term fixed for the arrival of the heir of Constantinople; and the term so fixed was the fifteenth day after the following Easter.

On the climactic day

But first, for three days, the groups stayed at their assigned churches, singing Psalms with prayer and weeping. On the climactic day, at about nine in the morning, they came out in procession, chanting the Greek prayer for mercy, Kyrie eleison, “Lord, have mercy.” A deacon who was there reported that no fewer than eighty of the faithful fell down dead within one hour, no doubt exhausted by the fasting and prayer and affected by the crowding of the populace.

Gregory’s papacy

In later times, the story of this dramatic opening of Gregory’s papacy was improved with the report that as the procession passed Hadrian’s tomb, the archangel Michael appeared, sword flashing in hand, atop the great hulk—never mind that for such a spectacle the goal surely must have been Saint Peter’s church across the Tiber and that does not match what we know of the actual procession. A few years after Gregory’s papacy, a chapel in honor of Michael was established high up in the tomb, so the story must be very early. Today the angel, cast in bronze in more modern times, brandishes his sword atop the tower once again.

Let’s let them have their story. What happened when the lamenting procession looked up to see the angel there, dazzling, brilliant, beggaring description, standing at the pinnacle of a glowering stone tomb? What did people think? In his right hand, a fiery sword slashed the air. So Apollo had brought plague to the Greeks at Troy on the first page of the Iliad:

[Apollo] came down furious from the summits of Olympus, with his bow and his quiver upon his shoulder, and the arrows rattled on his back with the rage that trembled within him. He sat himself down away from the ships with a face as dark as night, and his silver bow rang death as he shot his arrow in the midst of them . . . and all day long the pyres of the dead were burning.

In Michael’s moment, before gaping onlookers, the dealer of death paused, then plunged his sword deep in a bright scabbard that hung at his belt. A gasp, then exhalation ran through the crowd as the people realized that the warrior from the court of heaven was showing them that mercy had been decreed and the plague would come to an end.

That story was enough for the tomb to be called to this day the Holy Angel’s Castle (Castel Sant’Angelo). The rooftop would be fortified to defend the medieval city, a tunnel would run from there to the Vatican, and Giuseppe Verdi in the nineteenth century would make it the setting for the climax of Tosca.

Fritigern and Alavivus

The drift to relative harmony brought all the Latin provinces quietly into the ark of orthodoxy. The last to hold out for the old religion of the frontier was the regime in Spain that remembered a Visigothic past. By the late sixth century, of course, anything one might call barbarism there had been part of the Roman empire for 200 years, since the day when Fritigern and Alavivus brought their small refugee band across the Danube. The gradual retreat from Gaul into Spain in the late fifth century and early sixth century, as the Franks made themselves masters of Gaul and in 507 finally drove the Visigoths into Spain, had accidentally put the losing side in a position to build a lasting regime. The gradual establishment of the kingdom that would form the heart of Andalusia produced governance that was Roman, military, and at least modestly prosperous. By the late sixth century, the moment of Justinianic invasion had faded and a few pockets of imperial presence remained on the southeastern coast of the peninsula, but King Leovigild (r. 569-586) succeeded his brother Athanagild and married Athanagild’s widow to solidify his reign. In short order, he seized Cordoba back from the Byzantine garrison that had lingered there.

Roman and Byzantine traditions

Leovigild’s administration was marked by expansion of control and authority, entirely in the Roman and Byzantine traditions. In the way of such kingdoms, he brought his sons Hermenegild and Reccared to the throne with him, and married the former to a Frankish princess, to ensure peaceful relations northward. Catholic historians of later generations want to make it out that for a year or so in 584, Leovigild dug in his heels and insisted on appointing Arian bishops and opposing the spread of Catholicism. Something snapped then in the royal household, and Hermenegild revolted, ostensibly in the name of authentic religion, and was jailed and then killed. Leovigild prevailed for another five years, extending his control over the whole peninsula. As soon as he was gone, Reccared took the throne in 589 and declared himself for Catholicism—and suddenly the struggle was over. The Catholic bishops who had been in resistance emerged immediately as dominant figures in the realm, especially Lean- der of Seville, a friend and correspondent of Pope Gregory, who was in the process of taking the Roman see in 590. Whatever the true story, the divisions in the kingdom had been just that, divisions, not controversies in any way rooted in distinctive beliefs and practices of different religious communities.